Some notes on a theological explanation of woke capital by Wald

While this video by Imperium Press on woke capital is interesting, I find the conclusions ultimately unsatisfying. Such heavy reliance on economic and technical explanations are not only boring, they are little more than tautologies. Why does capital support progressives? Because that is what capital does. Why does management create problems? Because managers like to manage, and problems create management. Why do those in power seek to control the population? Because that is what power does. It is like a bad dictionary, the technical implementation of something is not its reasoning, it is merely a tool, the medium for achievement. In itself it has neither law nor meaning. And this is what we lack more than anything today, a sense of the ontological character which gives rise to particular qualities, what we see on the surface. Given the extent of the catastrophe – clownish comedy is not enough to explain it, and is itself one of the weapons – we should look to nothing less than the underlying laws, the very figure of democratic man who set out to be more powerful than the old monarchs. Self-reference to the surface qualities does not achieve this, it is something lower than materialism, completely against irrationalist or Counter-enlightenment perspectives, and leaves us without the foundation necessary for a response.

If we are to take an irrationalist approach then we need explanations that are poetic, aesthetic, theological, and mythological. This is difficult given the taboo subject, as some will make accusations that we are sympathizing or collaborating. Here we need only reiterate that our situation is a total catastrophe, that the human subject has been evacuated, and not one of us have escaped the consequences. The Last Man is only ever second-to-last, a figure who will survive as long as we have an interim state, democracy. We can take this in two different directions: that levelling is never enough for him, like Dulle Griet, plundering Hell itself will never be enough space for human sins; or that this gutting of man has left such a void that only a monstrous striving can take his place, independemt of the values of subjectivity. This is without a doubt part of our modern condition, even for those committed to a sexual revolution which continues on long after its death. I will repeat myself again, these identitarians are no Liten Kersti figures, tricking their way into noble positions – they may not ever obtain any position of power. Nontheless, they are at the forefront of struggle today because all revolution has become democratic revolution, and perhaps even counter-revolution. Here one must admit that nothing greater has been offered to them, conservatives more than anyone else have failed in creating a revolutionary force of their own; one can see their complicity in the decades leading up to the great revolutions of 2001 and 2012.

What we first have to recognise is this void of humanity. The democratic revolution, which is the real permanent revolution, has turned to insane identities not only because class struggles have ended, or that elites are facing a crisis of control – instead we are faced with a monstrous identity, the limits of the last man who begins to sense his own nihilism and destruction, the energy of a war greater than any other in history. This is in modern terms another class conflict, but now it takes on the character of classes of gods or heroes, of ages rather than generations. The final evacuations of the bourgeois figure, the last man, are only a mask of this. We are confronted with Gorgon figures, and they are building monuments to monsters atop the ruins of the Twin Towers, and every other construction which can must be raised as it is levelled.

This is the theological explanation.

Further, one may look to the spatial character of democracy to see its mixed state, a confusion which betrays all class distinction, including sexual character. The changes in identity are tied to architecture, technology, and urban geography more powerfully than in any other system, often developing mysteriously from the hidden elements. This becomes clear when we notice the extent of the changes in physiognomy and character, even in those adamant in their opposition to progressive ideology one will notice feminine traits, especially in their expressions and intonations. Something much more powerful than ideology reveals itself here, and given that many boys grow up isolated from women the shift cannot be due to the eruption of feminine spaces alone. The streets filled with shops were only of a bourgeois character, and it is no mistake that they are gutted along with the final assaults of the last man.

A second-order begins to develop in the 1990s with the gutting of all underground spaces, especially the criminal and counter-culture bars and venues. Today, such underground character, especially masculine spaces, are as foreign to youth as any Third World culture. Who is responsible for this shift other than the neoconservatives at the forefront of the war on crime? No one is more responsible than them, they created an aseptic wasteland which saw all cultural, masculine, and youthful space as criminal. The underworld was met with total war along with the criminal organisations, and this left urban space to the unorganised, hidden, and most inner regions. Everyone else, especially middle class youth, had no choice but to retreat. Here it becomes necessary to point out that the left-wing was seen as a danger, along with the criminal organisations they were met with a total mobilisation of intelligence organisations and undercover police. Identity politics at this point was entirely liberal.

The social war opened up the power of digital spaces, and a new revolutionary type developed along within it. To see this as a left-wing creation could not be further from the truth, there was a long period of non-ideological and almost uncontrollable digital culture. Rather, criminalisation of the underground ensured that power would be taken by unorganised racial types, the pure gangs, which then combined with ideological forces. For the police these types are also the easiest to control and infiltrate. Digital underground spaces are only ever a potential, whether short-term or long-term. And it was the left-wing – or what was left after total infiltration – that was able to take advantage of this situation, to unite the two underworlds, and the extreme ideological factions with liberalism.

Conservative forces are weak and overwhelmed because they are entirely to blame. They created the aseptic identity which is now in an uncontrollable state of revolt. Like the first conservatives, they created the very installations which led to the civil wars and assaults on order.

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